The recognition between AMLO as well as the CTM, that was accepted by the mainstream media and Business Coordinating Council, is not merely a symbolic act. 

AMLO and his labor secretary Luisa María Alcalde who have vowed for years to fight for workers to liberate themselves from the CTM chains and have proposed a labor reform to supposedly make things easier by having union recognition votes, now have decided to give the CTM radical gloss not mentioning its record of treachery and constant corruption.

On the 84th founding anniversary of the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM) on February 23, Mexican President Andrés Manuel Lópéz Obrador also known as AMLO, welcomed this corrupt organization that's well-known for its labor inhumanity against their workers in its crucial role in his government agenda and in his commencement speech.

The AMLO Administration is striving to maintain the disturbing level of social inequality, fueling widespread discontent by jumpstarting the corporatist use of the trade unions, particularly the CTM, against a wave of major strikes and protests and increasing opposition to traditional parties in the recent years. 

It implies the dismissal of any struggle of the middle class for their individual interests by subjecting it to an alliance of businesses, both the corporate state and trade unions, politically and organizationally.

According to AMLO, Alcalde and Aceves, they had asserted that the CTM embodied the legacy of the Mexican Revolution (1910-20), in particular the Constitution of 1917, and the administration of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-40) which has supported the establishing of the CTM nationalizing of petrol. 

Nevertheless, in contrast to the current glorifying of Mexican capitalism by AMLO today, however, the life for the poor populations is dominated by the denial of their basic social and democratic rights that millions of workers and peasants struggled for with blood during the Porfiriato revolution.

The AMLO administration had already faced significant immediate challenges through the brake on the CTM including resistance against the military and its so-called "war on drugs." Latest developments also disclosed that what is being suggested to the CTM, along with the Mexican and US authorities, is a so-called "private" trade union. 

At the same time, AMLO established a National Guard and developed its Constitutional programs, which were intended to provide the same military leadership with a new front and also to extend domestic military activities.

It is crucial that the workers establish rankings independent of the trade union and establish political leadership on the basis of a democratic and internationalist programme, which is a section of the Fourth International Committee.

If ever the employees failed to break free from their power and influence, capitalist institutions like the trade unions can not reinforce the risks posed by the policy of AMLO in the pursuit of imperialist activism. 

Nevertheless, after the first annual economic recession in Mexico since 2009, and with AMLO's diminishing popularity, the ruling elite is struggling to avoid the smallest threat to the demands of the multinational corporations and Wall Street. As a result, this has pushed AMLO to endorse the CTM directly.